Perception

They say that a picture is worth a thousand words. What they don’t tell us, and what an intelligent consumer of information should know, is that the existence of a picture is no guarantee of the veracity of the thousand words it may be worth. Sometimes, as in the works of Salvador Dali, the thousand words serve merely to describe the picture; certainly “The Persistence of Time Memory [Thanks, Lex; the watchfaces always throw me off]” is not meant to be a faithful representation of the world as it is.

But what happens when the news media, which proclaim themselves the final arbiters of impartial truth, buy into staged or exaggerated productions? A picture of a corpse on the ground, for example, tells you nothing about how the death occurred, or when, or wherefore. A still image can be useful in capturing a moment, but that moment must not be taken out of its context. Indeed, Heisenberg’s Principle of Uncertainty dictates that we may know an object’s momentum or its exact location at any given moment in time, but not both.

Michael Costello applies this principle to the news media:

THE most powerful influences on global opinion are television pictures. An experienced TV journalist will tell you that the picture is the story. No picture, no story. Those same journalists will tell you that a powerful picture will overwhelm reality. The picture becomes reality.

After considering the current conflict in its proper context, that of Israel’s struggle for recognition and existence, Mr. Costello notes:

This is the true heart of the problem. The Palestinian issue cannot be resolved because a significant part of the Arab and Muslim world still do not accept Israel’s right to exist. They will not accept the two-state solution beloved of analysts because they do not accept the existence of one of those two states, Israel. This is just not a matter of politics to them; it is a matter of religion. It is non-negotiable.

Until this changes, Israel will remain as it has for 60 years: under siege. Those who seek Israel’s elimination will engage in conflict and terrorism against Israel and its friends.

So what are we to conclude? That Israel is just too much trouble? That it causes all of us too much grief? That in defending itself against these implacable enemies Israel offends our sensibilities by the manner in which it feels compelled to use force?

Already there are growing whispers from the so-called realist school of international relations that it would be a really smart thing if we just quietly walked away from Israel because it has become an embarrassment and inconvenience to our larger interests. Such is the consequence of privileging the power of the TV image over reason.

I wonder if he had this piece by Charles Krauthammer in mind:

The United States has gone far out on a limb to allow Israel to win and for all this to happen. It has counted on Israel’s ability to do the job. It has been disappointed. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has provided unsteady and uncertain leadership. Foolishly relying on air power alone, he denied his generals the ground offensive they wanted, only to reverse himself later. He has allowed his war cabinet meetings to become fully public through the kind of leaks no serious wartime leadership would ever countenance. Divisive cabinet debates are broadcast to the world, as was Olmert’s own complaint that “I’m tired. I didn’t sleep at all last night” (Haaretz, July 28). Hardly the stuff to instill Churchillian confidence.

His search for victory on the cheap has jeopardized not just the Lebanon operation but America’s confidence in Israel as well. That confidence — and the relationship it reinforces — is as important to Israel’s survival as its own army. The tremulous Olmert seems not to have a clue.

Faith, Charles, and courage!

[Cross-posted at Between Worlds]

Shultz Misreads the Future – Don’t We All?

Wandering through A&L’s journals, I ran across the August/September Policy Review. The world moves on; articles tell us about thinking at a moment, now altered: George P. Shultz’s “Sustaining Our Resolve” is at once timely & dated, events changing on the ground as the words move across the net. Nonetheless, some old truths (e.g., that the olive branch & the arrows our great eagle bears are both important) are demonstrated, even if Lebanon no longer travels the road he describes but rather has been hijacked by Hezbollah.

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Anti-Semitism in Europe

Much has been said, in many pages, about Europe’s historical animosity toward Jews. This animus has led to pogroms and the Holocaust. The reasons behind anti-Semitism of this sort are legion; but the experience of the Holocaust has not wiped it out.

What is not reported as often, however, is anti-Semitism of a different sort: that against Arabs. Moreover, anti-Semitism against Arabs takes on an even more sinister, racist overtone, and is exacerbated by the civilizational tensions that were left to fester in the postwar collapse of European Imperialism. Charles Moore at the Telegraph, in a piece on European attitudes toward the Middle East (hat-tip: Israellycool):

You could criticise Israel’s recent attack for many things. Some argue that it is disproportionate, or too indiscriminate. Others think that it is ill-planned militarily. Others hold that it will give more power to extremists in the Arab world, and will hamper a wider peace settlement. These are all reasonable, though not necessarily correct positions to hold. But European discourse on the subject seems to have been overwhelmed by something else – a narrative, told most powerfully by the way television pictures are selected, that makes Israel out as a senseless, imperialist, mass-murdering, racist bully.

Not only is this analysis wrong – if the Israelis are such imperialists, why did they withdraw from Lebanon for six years, only returning when threatened once again? How many genocidal regimes do you know that have a free press and free elections? – it is also morally imbecilic. It makes no distinction between the tough, sometimes nasty things all countries do when hard-pressed and the profoundly evil intent of some ideologies and regimes. It says nothing about the fanaticism and the immediacy of the threat to Israel. Sir Peter has somehow managed to live on this planet for 75 years without spotting the difference between what Israel is doing in Lebanon and “unlimited war”.

As well as being morally imbecilic, this narrative is the enemy of all efforts to understand what is actually going on in the Middle East. It is so lazy.

Thus, for example, you would hardly know from watching the television that most Arab nations in the region, with the notable exception of Syria, detest the power of Hizbollah. You would barely have noticed that Hizbollah is a Shia faction, actively supported by Iran, and therefore feared by most Sunnis and by all who resist Iranian hegemony.

Nor would you have seen investigations of how Hizbollah places its missile sites in civilian areas, or coverage of the report in a Kuwaiti newspaper that Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hizbollah, was expected in Damascus on Thursday for a meeting with the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, and the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council. You would also not have gathered that the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon, which the television so recently invited you to admire, cannot possibly be carried through if Syria and Iran and Hizbollah are able to operate in that country.

Behind the dominant narrative of Israeli oppression is a patronising, almost racist assumption about the Arabs, and about Muslims, which is, essentially, that “they’re all the same”. Public discussion therefore does not stop to consider whether the immediate ceasefire called for by most European countries might hand a victory to Hizbollah, which, in turn, would ultimately lead to a much greater loss of life.

Emphases are mine.

This sort of racism is, to a certain degree, a long-standing fault among “liberals”, regardless of party. In the American domestic political arena, it is most often characterized by well-intentioned “liberal” projects to “save” the “underprivileged”. Just as black-on-black crime is underreported, possibly due to racist or at least elitist attitudes1, “liberal” projects often are imbued with the racist or at least elitst attitude that certain racial minorities (or poor people) need help because they don’t know any better and are incapable of helping themselves. This is not usually a conscious prejudice; often these projects are or were initiated in circumstances where societal or government barriers blocked self-improvement of the “victim class”. But so many decades after the civil rights movement, even as the glass ceilings are being shattered, or at least being raised so high as not to block the advancement of formerly underprivileged groups, there is nonetheless an inertia that continues to insist that people cannot help themselves. There is a great description for this: “The soft bigotry of low expectations.”2

Turning now from American domestic affairs to international (and indeed, intercivilizational) issues, I second Mr. Moore’s characterization of attitudes which continually excuse reprehensible behavior on the part of extremists. Such excuses are indeed soft bigotries. I don’t mean to say that Western forces should not be held to high standards. What I do mean to say is that excusing barbaric tactics from the enemy is nothing more or less than bigotry. By condoning such behavior, not only does it give the extremists comfort and aid, it is a demand for Western forces to commit suicide. Of those who actually do believe that the West is hopelessly corrupt, and who hope for the West to lose (and there are both fewer and more of these folk than you’d probably think3), I would ask them this: And when your way of life is no more, do you think it is merely the material accoutrements that will go away? Do you not realize that this barbarity will be exercised personally against you? If the West is destroyed, do you think the states that are left will any longer exercise any caution or restraint when attacking a military installment in a residential zone? Would you want to take your chances buying a home in a potential front line?

This is not unique to Europeans or “liberals”; this sort of soft bigotry, that declares that an Arab is incapable of, and would never aspire to, any elements of Western civilization, is often seen in the isolationist wing of the realist camp. This is the party that surrenders to its frustrations, and would just as soon turn its back on the world and ask the world, in less polite terms, to attempt asexual reproduction.

Bigotry is human nature, and is born of prejudice that can never be eradicated, because it will always find an outlet. But many of those who insist that the United States and/or Israel are inveterate, incurable racist imperialists might want to see an ophthamologist about that splinter in their eye.


1 I’ve read one characterization comparing crime to cockroaches: Nobody really pays attention when there are cockroaches in dark kitchen cabinets; but once they’re discovered in open lighting on the floor, people freak out. This characterization was in the context of blogospheric discussion over the disappearance of Natalee Holloway, in answer to those who voiced concern that when black women are abducted, there’s no outcry; but when pretty young blondes are victims, the media go into a frenzy.

2 This is a phrase that has been used in the Bush Administration to counter what sometimes appear to be institutionalized biases in favor of “underrepresented minorities”. Specifically used in the context of the No Child Left Behind Act, it was meant to encourage teachers not to give up on teaching minority and poor children; but it seems just as applicable in college and grad school admissions, and now, international racial and civilizational issues.

3 There are probably fewer of this sort among the voting public than one might think; but far more among the “intelligentsia” than one might fear.

[Cross-posted at Between Worlds]

Chirac Lachrymose Over Conflict in Levant

Jacques Chirac is not usually in an enviable position, and, at least to many Americans, his comments often come off the wrong way. Still, I find his remarks on the Israeli raid on Lebanon to be absolutely tone deaf:

President Jacques Chirac said Friday that Israel’s military offensive against Lebanon is “totally disproportionate” and asked whether destroying Lebanon was not the ultimate goal.

However, he also said that rockets fired on Israel by Hezbollah and Hamas are “inadmissible, unacceptable and irresponsible.” Chirac implicitly suggested that Syria and Iran might be playing a role in the expanding crisis in the Middle East which, along with the Iranian nuclear issue, creates “a truly dangerous situation in which we must be very, very careful.” (AP)

First of all, news that’s hot off the wire can sometimes be wrong or provocative and inflammatory. Certainly there was no shortage of anti-Bush bias during the 2004 elections. Still, the subtext of what President Chirac is saying is quite disturbing.

I think reasonable people can disagree as to whether the Israeli response is “disproportionate”. I myself have no qualms about destroying an enemy’s infrastructure if civilian deaths can be kept to a minimum and the payoff in psychological damage to the enemy is great enough (think about General William T. Sherman’s March to the Sea).

President Chirac’s snide suggestion is that Israel is trying to destroy Lebanon, when it is in fact Hezbollah that wants not only to destroy Israel, but to wipe it completely off the map. Such an insinuation is insulting at best. Fortunately, unlike Third World professional victims, Israel doesn’t whine about its hurt feelings. Israel, for all its flaws, is strong and confident. Perhaps that’s what infuriates President Chirac so.

Moreover, Lebanon has been of Gallic interest for the better part of a millennium. The Levantine kingdoms of the Crusades were, after all, French, and the French have resented any non-French outside influence in Lebanon, including that of Syria. Would that the French would also be more forthright about the Iranian influence; but I suppose asking France to stand up to a real power that might just strike back is asking too much.

(Hat-tip: Israellycool)

[Cross-posted at Between Worlds]

Kling Discusses Harsh Choices

At Tech Central, Kling discusses “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy”. John Mearsheimer (Poli Sci Chicagoboy?) and Stephen M. Walt (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard) summarize thus: “It is not surprising that Israel and its American supporters want the United States to deal with any and all threats to Israel’s security. If their efforts to shape US. policy succeed, then Israel’s enemies get weakened or overthrown, Israel gets a free hand with the Palestinians, and the United States does most of the fighting, dying, rebuilding, and paying.” (40)

Then they conclude:

Can the Lobby’s power be curtailed? One would like to think so, given the Iraq debacle, the obvious need to rebuild America’s image in the Arab and Islamic world, and the recent revelations about AIPA officials passing US. government secrets to Israel. One might also think that Arafat’s death and the election of the more moderate Abu Mazen would cause Washington to press vigorously and evenhandedly for a peace argument.

The arena of such real politik balances is not one in which I am at all knowledgeable, so here are links & I hope others have much to say.

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