The Conspiracy of the Trump Prosecutions

Yet another thing here in the dying days of the Biden administration.

There has been a lot of ink spilled over the past few years regarding the Biden administration’s unprecedented lawfare campaign against Trump. However, we need to remember that it wasn’t just the Biden administration launching these attacks, but Democrats throughout the country

There was Alvin Bragg’s prosecution in Manhattan. There was Fani Willis’s prosecution in Fulton County. Bragg’s case secured some convictions, but it is doubtful those will survive on appeal. Willis’s case has largely collapsed over ethics.

Before we sweep those cases into the dustbin of history, we need to take another look at what the Democrats have been doing over the past two years. Specifically, the active coordination between the Biden administration and the local prosecutions of Trump constituted a larger conspiracy against one of key foundations of a republic governed by law.

The fact that the various prosecutions were historic is well-trodden ground, but we need to remind ourselves that we are dealing with the unprecedented prosecutions of not only a former president but the man who was running to unseat an incumbent of the same party as the local and federal prosecutors. When you attempt things like what the Democrats were doing, your case had better be clean and tight.

Those local cases were anything but clean and tight.

The Bragg and Willis cases were certainly “novel.” Bragg’s case centered around the supposed falsification of business records — misdemeanor crimes under New York state law, for which the relevant statute of limitations had long since expired. Bragg resurrected these misdemeanors by attaching them to felonies dealing with campaign finance, which come under the jurisdiction of federal law. To call Bragg’s novel case a “Frankenstein” prosecution understates its connection to both the horror genre and to monsters everywhere.

Willis’s case was centered on a novel and complex interpretation of RICO statutes. She secured indictments against Trump and 18 others, alleging they were engaged in election racketeering based on their actions to contest the outcome of the 2020 presidential election in Georgia.

Willis appointed Nathan Wade to be the special prosecutor on the case. That appointment was problematic from the start, given Wade’s lack of experience in high-level cases. Then the story broke that he had been romantically involved with Willis before she hired him. However, there is more to Nathan Wade than simply a forbidden love worthy of a Harlequin romance novel (“Love Trumps the Law”).

The House Judiciary Committee investigated Nathan Wade’s involvement with Willis. During testimony before the Committee this past October, Wade admitted that he had met with Biden administration staff, a fact supported by his billing records. Wade stated that he had no specific memory of those meetings.

Sure he doesn’t.

As for the Bragg case, there was the curious and as yet unexplained resignation of the number-three man at the US Department of Justice (DOJ), Matthew Colangelo, in order to join Alvin Bragg’s prosecution. Keep in mind that DOJ had passed on prosecuting Trump on the election financing allegations because it didn’t believe it had a case. Yet one of the department’s top political appointees just decided on his own to leave that prestigious position in order to prosecute that Frankenstein, long-shot of case?

Sure he did.

If you believe both of those stories then you probably believe that Joe Biden was sharp as a tack as president, and that all of those foreigners paid Hunter millions of dollars because he was a brilliant businessman

Why does that matter? You can write Bragg and Willis off as abusive prosecutors who were looking, as are many other district attorneys, to make a name for themselves with a high-profile case. However, the unprecedented prosecution of Donald Trump, the ridiculous nature of the cases against him, and the prosecutors’ connections to the Biden administration point to something darker.

The Biden administration was going to find a way to prosecute Donald Trump. However, it had two fundamental problems, both of perception. The first was that the cases it had selected — federal documents and Jan. 6 — were sketchy. As we later found out, Biden was himself vulnerable on documents, and for most Americans a president keeping documents from his administration borders on stealing office supplies, a crime to be sure but hardly the precedent for a history-making prosecution. Jan. 6? Most Americans are concerned about election cheating, and the report of the Jan. 6 Committee, which provided the initial basis for the indictments, was problematic to say the least.

The second problem was that a federal prosecution by the Biden administration of a once-and-future political opponent would be the kind of thing that you find in a Third World country, not America.

Getting Donald Trump prosecuted in state or local jurisdictions would solve both of these problems by 1) creating a public perception that there was a pervasive pattern to Trump’s “lawlessness” and 2) deflecting any criticism of the prosecutions as either political in nature or ill-founded. Both the Willis and Bragg prosecutions preemptively “credibility washed” any coming federal prosecution of Trump of political taint: DOJ could deflect criticism by pointing to Manhattan and Fulton County.

The fact that there existed coordination between the various prosecutions is evidence of a much larger conspiracy, one more redolent of Stalin’s Russia than of the USA, that needs to be further explored. I look forward to what Wade, Colangelo, Bragg, and Willis have to say on the matter.

Hopefully, Jim Jordan and the Judicial Committee will keep up their pursuit of the answers in these cases.

5 thoughts on “The Conspiracy of the Trump Prosecutions”

  1. Godwin’s Lawfare. First you call your political rivals Nazis then you find some way to prosecute them, ’cause…Nazis.

  2. The second is that the Biden administration prosecuting a once and future political opponent is something you find in a Third World country, not America.

    True- but at this point America is a third-world country.

    I expect nothing more from the present regime than third-world governance, with all that entails.

  3. Yes, Xennady, it is looking grim. I believe that we are not quite there yet, but we are certainly teetering on the edge. The next few years might just be our last chance to avoid such a fate.

  4. Around 21 hours until we know what other pardons and shenanigans are planned. And don’t worry about those terrorists released under the vigilant “supervision” of Qatar, they’ll be in the wind before Trump can sit down in the oval office. Yet to be seen, just how many others have come across the border on Biden’s welcome wagon.

  5. The Smith, Bragg and Willis cases have one element in common: ambiguity of the charges. Bragg made out the “hush money” case to be more than just a matter of alleging that Cohen made an illegal campaign contribution (a rather routine campaign finance issue that the FEC didn’t involve itself with) but that Trump did something that interfered with the election via record-keeping actions that occurred after the election.

    A classified documents case by its nature can’t be transparent to the public, and when a Presidential administration is bringing one against anyone there has to be some party independent of the Executive branch, defense, and the presiding judge as checks and balances against prosecution; you can’t simply wait for the Inspector General to parse through all the material after the verdict.

    The other Smith case and the Willis case rest on innuendo I don’t know how to begin to parse through. The armchair libs who gets all their information from local news broadcasts and Jimmy Kimmel simply take it for granted that the MSM and the Democratic leadership are unassailable and don’t need any details to conclude that Trump is guilty of anything and everything.

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